Δευτέρα, 27 Ιουνίου 2016


"Without transparency you have no democracy, because if citizens don’t know what their government is doing on their behalf, they cannot pass critical judgement on it." Sign our Transparency Petitionhttps://diem25.org/campaign-transparency ‪#‎Let_Ligh_In‬
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Costas Tsiantis
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Costas Tsiantis Transparency, The starting point! Since we don’t have other way to establish the conditions of a truthful course of collaboration and action and walk together to trancend i) the darkness spread by the existent oligarchic system, and, ii) the conformism and hypocrisy (replacement of causality and causal relations by correlations and neutral formalisms) promoted through the trapping of dominant epistemology (even forms of art) in the mechanisms of power elite!
Monica Byrne I am for this movement. I wholeheartedly agree that the only way to change attitudes is from within. Leaving when the going gets tough is sickening.Δείτε τη μετάφραση

29χρονος Βρετανός με IQ 145 απαντά στους γερμανόφιλους "Γιατί ψήφισα Brexit"

29χρονος Βρετανός με IQ 145 απαντά στους γερμανόφιλους ''Γιατί ψήφισα Brexit'': Στα ''ψιλά'' έχει περάσει στην Ελλάδα-αντίθετα με την Βρετανία-η θέση του Βρετανού πολίτη Τζάθαν Σμιθ (Jathan Smyth), 29 ετών, ο οποίος εξήγεί με ανάρτησή του στα social media γιατί ψήφισε υ

Κυριακή, 26 Ιουνίου 2016

Φωτεινή Μαστρογιάννη & Τάκης Φωτόπουλος Take the money & run 18/6/2016


Είναι να λυπάται κανείς για τον τρόπο και το ύφος με το οποίο Βρυξέλλες και Βερολίνο αντέδρασαν και αντιδρούν στην απόφαση των Βρετανών για ‘’brexit’’. Τιμωρητική στάση και υπεροψία με πανταχόθεν δηλώσεις για άμεση αποχώρηση των αμφισβητιών της γερμανικής ολιγαρχικής ηγεμονίας στην Ευρώπη ή και των εκ μακρόθεν δρώντων Ατλάντων. Έτσι διαμορφώνεται η μεταμοντέρνα διάδοχος κατάσταση του Διαφωτισμού και των αγώνων τω λαών για ελευθερία και δικαιοσύνη στην Ευρώπη που τρώει τα παιδιά της!  Για αίτια (για την ταμπακιέρα) κουβέντα δε γίνεται! Η αιτιοκρατική εξήγηση αποφεύγεται, όπως ο διάβολος το λιβάνι. Οικονομικά κυριαρχικά συμφέροντα και μόνο!. Τόσο πολύ το  ιδεώδες της ευρωπαϊκής ενότητας έχει διαποτίσει το πνεύμα των  πολιτικών υπαλλήλων και τεχνοκρατών της ΕΕ! Υποκριτές που απαρνήθηκαν κάθε αξία και  που για την καριέρα τους πουλάνε κάθε τι, κάνουν πως δε βλέπουν το αδιέξοδο  που μας σέρνουν και υποτάσσονται εθελοντικά στον Σόιμπλε και στην αδίστακτη διεθνή ελίτ του κεφαλαίου! Με ανάλογο τρόπο  παρακολουθούμε και στην πατρίδα μας την υποκρισία και τον αποπροσανατολισμό που επιχειρούν βουλευτές και ευρωβουλευτές, οι πολιτικοί αναλυτές και τα  δημοσιογραφικά όργανα της  Νέας Τάξης! Ανήμποροι, άτολμοι, μικρόψυχοι κι ανελεύθεροι να ασχοληθούν με τα καίρια, καμώνονται τους γνώστες και τους νοικοκύρηδες μιας Ευρώπης που δεν είναι εκεί αλλά γερμανοκρατείται, ρίχνοντας στο δημόσια σκηνή μόνο πίτουρα για τις  κότες, μέχρις ότου εξαντληθεί η υπομονή μας κι αγανακτισμένοι πατήσουμε το κουμπί απ΄αυτούς να απαλλαχτούμε! Νά'ταν με τον ίδιο τρόπο, έτσι εύκολα,  απ΄ το πρωτεικό ψέμα να γλυτώναμε που απλώνεται και κατατρώει την ιστορική-κοινωνική ζωή και συσκοτίζει τη νόησή μας! 

Exclusive commentary by James Galbraith for DiEM25

Exclusive commentary by James Galbraith for DiEM25
The groundwork for the Brexit debacle was laid last July when Europe crushed the last progressive pro-European government the EU is likely to see – the SYRIZA government elected in Greece in January 2015. Most Britons were not directly engaged with the Greek trauma. Many surely looked askance at the Greek leaders. But they must have noticed how Europe talked down to Greece, how it scolded its officials, how it dictated terms and how it made rebellious country into an example, so that no one else would ever be tempted to follow the same path.
If the destruction of Greece helped set the tone, Leave won by turning the British referendum into an ugly expression of English nativism, feeding on the frustrations of a deeply unequal nation, ironically divided by the very forces of reaction and austerity that will now come fully to power. The political effect has sent a harsh message to Europeans living in Britain, and to the many who would have liked to come. The economic effect will leave Britain in the hands of simpletons who believe that deregulation is the universal source of growth.
That such a campaign could prevail – leading soon to a hard right government in Britain – testifies to the high-handed incompetence of the political, financial, British and European elites. Remain ran a campaign of fear, condescension and bean-counting, as though Britons cared only about the growth rate and the pound. And the Remain leaders seemed to believe that such figures as Barack Obama, George Soros, Christine Lagarde, a list of ten Nobel-prize-winning economists or the research department of the IMF carried weight with the British working class.
Since nothing happens, at first, except the start of negotiations, the immediate economic effects may be small. If the drop in sterling lasts, British exports may actually benefit. If the world gets skittish, the dollar will rise and US exports may suffer, with possible political consequences in America this fall. Otherwise, in the most likely case, the markets will settle down and British life will continue normally at first – except, of course, for immigrants. This will further give the lie to the scare campaign.
Over time, however, as they apply to the United Kingdom, the structures of EU law, regulation, fiscal transfers, open commerce, open borders and human rights built over four decades will now be eroded. Exactly how this will happen – by what process of negotiation, with what retribution from the spurned powers in Brussels and Berlin, by what combination of slow change and abrupt acts, with what consequences for the Union of Scotland to England – is clearly unknown to the leaders of the Leave campaign. This morning they appeared on British television in equal parts triumphant and clueless.
And the crisis now erupts everywhere in Europe: in Holland and France, but also in Spain and Italy, as well as in Germany, Finland and the East. If the hard right can rise in Britain, it can rise anywhere. If Britain can exit, so can anyone; neither the EU nor the Euro is irrevocable. And most likely, since the apocalyptic predictions of economic collapse and “Lehman on steroids” that preceded the Brexit referendum will not come true, such warnings will be even less credible when heard the next time.
The European Union has sowed the wind. It may reap the whirlwind. Unless it moves, and quickly, not merely to assert a hollow “unity” but to deliver a democratic, accountable, and realistic New Deal – or something very much like it – for all Europeans.
James Galbraith is author of “Welcome to the Poisoned Chalice: The Destruction of Greece and the Future of Europe.”

Σάββατο, 25 Ιουνίου 2016

Α.Γκρίνσπαν: "Ποιο Brexit; Η ίδια η ευρωζώνη καταρρέει σε λίγο καιρό - Η Ελλάδα θα βγει από το ευρώ"!

Α.Γκρίνσπαν: ''Ποιο Brexit; Η ίδια η ευρωζώνη καταρρέει σε λίγο καιρό - Η Ελλάδα θα βγει από το ευρώ''!: Την εκτίμηση ότι η ευρωζώνη καταρρέει και ότι η Ελλάδα βρίσκεται αντιμέτωπη με πραγματικά σοβαρά προβλήματα..και δεν πρόκειται να συνεχίσει μέσα στο ευρώ για πολ

Α.Γκρίνσπαν: "Ποιο Brexit; Η ίδια η ευρωζώνη καταρρέει σε λίγο καιρό - Η Ελλάδα θα βγει από το ευρώ"!

Α.Γκρίνσπαν: ''Ποιο Brexit; Η ίδια η ευρωζώνη καταρρέει σε λίγο καιρό - Η Ελλάδα θα βγει από το ευρώ''!: Την εκτίμηση ότι η ευρωζώνη καταρρέει και ότι η Ελλάδα βρίσκεται αντιμέτωπη με πραγματικά σοβαρά προβλήματα..και δεν πρόκειται να συνεχίσει μέσα στο ευρώ για πολ

Α.Γκρίνσπαν: "Ποιο Brexit; Η ίδια η ευρωζώνη καταρρέει σε λίγο καιρό - Η Ελλάδα θα βγει από το ευρώ"!

Α.Γκρίνσπαν: ''Ποιο Brexit; Η ίδια η ευρωζώνη καταρρέει σε λίγο καιρό - Η Ελλάδα θα βγει από το ευρώ''!: Την εκτίμηση ότι η ευρωζώνη καταρρέει και ότι η Ελλάδα βρίσκεται αντιμέτωπη με πραγματικά σοβαρά προβλήματα..και δεν πρόκειται να συνεχίσει μέσα στο ευρώ για πολ

Α.Γκρίνσπαν: "Ποιο Brexit; Η ίδια η ευρωζώνη καταρρέει σε λίγο καιρό - Η Ελλάδα θα βγει από το ευρώ"!

Α.Γκρίνσπαν: ''Ποιο Brexit; Η ίδια η ευρωζώνη καταρρέει σε λίγο καιρό - Η Ελλάδα θα βγει από το ευρώ''!: Την εκτίμηση ότι η ευρωζώνη καταρρέει και ότι η Ελλάδα βρίσκεται αντιμέτωπη με «πραγματικά σοβαρά προβλήματα» και ότι «δεν πρόκειται να συνεχίσει μέσα στο ευρώ για πολ

In The Fields - Mikis Theodorakis / Vassilis Saleas

Γ.Κοντογιώργης, Η πολιτική Ευρώπη μετά το βρετανικό δημοψήφισμα

Γ.Κοντογιώργης, Η πολιτική Ευρώπη μετά το βρετανικό δημοψήφισμα Η πολιτική Ευρώπη μετά το βρετανικό δημοψήφισμα. Η θεμέλια αιτία της ανάπτυξης φυγοκέντρων τάσεων στις χώρες μέλη. Τι σηματ...

Βασίλειος Μαρκεζίνης: Ιστορικός «Σεισμός» για την Ευρώπη

Βασίλειος Μαρκεζίνης: Ιστορικός «σεισμός» για την Ευρώπη

Βασίλειος Μαρκεζίνης: Ιστορικός «σεισμός» για την Ευρώπη

Ημερομηνία δημοσίευσης: 24/06/2016, 12:59
Τελευταία ενημέρωση: 24/06/2016, 18:36

Το αποτέλεσμα στη Βρετανία είναι ιστορικής σημασίας με σεισμικές συνέπειες για όλη την Ευρώπη , είπε ο Βασίλειος Μαρκεζίνης, σε συνέντευξη του στον 9.84, προκαλώντας αίσθηση με το πώς ανέλυσε την ψήφο των Βρετανών, αλλά και το ρόλο των μεγάλων συμφερόντων στη υπόθεση αυτή.
Η Ε.Ε είπε είναι σε διάλυση, ίσως αυτό χρειάζεται για να φτιαχτεί από την αρχή κάτι καλό και κυρίως κάτι που θα λαμβάνει υπόψη τους λαούς και τις ανάγκες τους. Δυστυχώς στην Ελλάδα ακόμη θεωρούμε ταμπού , τέτοιες συζητήσεις ή με παραμορφωτικούς καθρέπτες , επιμένουμε στους μονόδρομους λύσεων εντός αυτής της Ε.Ε. , όπου οι Γερμανικές εμμονές και οι υπερατλαντικές στοχεύσεις οδήγησαν σε αυτή τη κατάσταση. Η Βρετανία θα περάσει και δύσκολες στιγμές εκτίμησε, αλλά οικονομικά θα «αναπνεύσει» από την γραφειοκρατία των Βρυξελλών . Τα καταστροφικά σενάρια εκτός Ε.Ε. δεν επηρεάζουν τους λαούς, από τη στιγμή που οι συνέπειες της λιτότητας είναι βαρύτατες εντός της Ε.Ε.


Στη δίνη του BREXIT: Ο αμερικανός πρόεδρος έχρησε αυτοκράτειρα της ΕΕ την καγκελάριο, η οποία θα θελήσει να σταυρώσει τη Βρετανία, για να μην τολμήσει την έξοδο καμία άλλη χώρα


Dimitris Konstantakopoulos- After the EU then what?

ByDim itris Konstantakopoulos
Fukuyama, an ex-official of the State Department, with very poor intellectual capacities, became world famous in 1990 with his idea that History has ended. Now History is back, in full steam.
One may agree or disagree with Brexit. But he has to admit that here we have to do with a clear anti-estabishment revolt of the British, a revolt with clearly national but also clear class characteristics. Look for instance the pattern of the vote. City voted overwhelmingly to remain in the Union, the popular, de-industrialized and agricultural regions of the country, the “lost of globalization”, very much for Brexit. (As has happened in many cases, during the collapse of the Soviet Union, nationalism was not the only direct reason of the quest for independence of the Republics, antagonisms for power and property were very much the reason, still it was the national idea which offered a ready basis of legitimacy for the break down).
The result represents also an enormous historic defeat for Dr. Scheuble and the whole German leadership, it understands or not (as so many times has happened in German history).
The question is not Britain, the question concerns all Europe
It is not only that Britain is exiting the EU. The Union itself has entered a process of a probable collapse as a structure. This process will leave nothing unaffected. Internal equilibriums in various national states, the European economic order and geopolitics. It is not only the neoliberal (under German co-domination) EU which will probably leave the scene of history. It is all the European “ancien regime” which is prepared to leave. At least the one consecrated with the adoption of the Maastrich Treaty and the triumph of neoliberalism. (Indirectly also with the political choice to go on with NATO enlargement, of which the EU enlargement was the political-economic part).
Let us hope that the collapse of post-national neoliberalism will not lead also to the collapse of the fundamental achievements of European peoples after 1945. From now on we enter a “chaotic” period, in the mathematical sense of the word, with very different positive or negative possibilities.
An unacceptable Union
They will do and say everything to reinterpret, to diminish and to distorde the meaning of the British vote, still the verdict is unequivocal and its significance explosive.
The European Union, at least as it stands now and with the policies and the arrogance it is producing, is simply unacceptable not just by British, but by a clear majority of all European citizens. The Maastricht system, institutional incarnation of neoliberalism (and atlanticism), imposed in Western Europe in the wake, and under the enormous impact of the collapse of “Soviet socialism”, and also of the Mitterrand (and the British Left) defeat and capitulation and of the German reunification, as it was executed, proved to be a socially regressive, economically inefficient, politically oligarchic, antidemocratic structure.
It is collapsing in front of our eyes, as the result of the first wave (2008) of the financial crisis and the way European leaders reacted to it. Its destruction could catalyze a second wave of financial-economic crisis.
The final political blow to the legitimacy of the European Union was inflicted last year, when all the world saw the way Berlin and Brussels crashed Greece, a member of the European Union.
Even if they did not say anything at the time, everybody drew the conclusions about the nature and the character of this Union and of German policy in Europe. It was only a question of time before the political fall-out of this “victory” turns back, hitting those who masterminded it. This is what is happening now.
Greeks were too weak to succeed in their rebellion. British were too strong to accept such a Union. It was History, not the Left or the Right, which put European revolt on the order of the day. European Left proved in 2015 too hesitating, too weak, too unwilling to become the leader of the Revolt till the end. A part of the European Right was there to fill the vacuum, at least at that stage. And it did it.
By voting to leave the European Union, British citizens confirmed, as contradictory as it may seem, that they are deeply Europeans, in their own way of course and following the particular path history and the international position of their country has determined.
By voting the way they voted, British did the same that did, before them, the citizens of Cyprus, of France, of Netherlands, of Ireland, of Greece, every time they had the opportunity. They rejected massively the policies produced and imposed by the elites, both national and European ones (the two more and more indistinguishable), in spite of the enormous terror and propaganda campaigns to do the opposite.
European elites answered to this repeated cry of peoples by saying to them that they don’t understand what they are voting for, by ignoring the direct expression of the popular will and by doing the exact opposite of the policy they were mandated by their electorate to apply, in complete disrespect of the most elementary democratic principles.
The Marie Antoinette syndrome
Maybe European elites thought that, if there is divorce between people and its rulers, they should change people, as once Berdold Brecht put it to the adress of the rather deaf East German rulers of his time.
By doing it time and again, they simply laid the ground for a strong European nation to go one step further than previous revolts, voting clearly for a divorce with Brussels. Though some forces in the British Left have supported this, so it would be inexact to attribute everything to the Right (the opposite happened in Greece where a part of the Right supported the revolt), it did that under the initiative and the domination of Rightist forces, because they were the only available to play this role. This may have and it will have of course a huge impact on the follow-up, but is not changing the fundamentals roots and the character of the revolt. It makes more, not less necessary for the European Left to review and change in a radical way its policy towards both the national and the European questions. If it will not do it, it will simply disappear just as the regime is disappearing.
In Britain, but also everywhere in the continent, the European Union is more and more understood by a majority of the citizens as a system not defending people from, but organizing social regression. (Some of its leaders even say it openly, probably unaware of the political consequences. Barroso for intance said some years ago that everybody knows that future generations will live in worse conditions than in the past! Some advisors of Sarkozy have stated openly their goal to overrun completely the social project incarnated in the historic compromise French communist resistance passed with De Gaulle, in exchange for resigning from the goal of a revolution in France, but also because De Gaulle supported in fact a “social-democratic” and national project for his country).
In the western and in the southern parts of Europe “European integration” as it is realized, it is also more and more understood as a mechanism to take back from people the political freedoms and rights they used to enjoy after the victory over Nazism and Fascism, in 1945 and, as far as it concerns Portugal, Spain and Greece, after the collapse of the dictatorships in 1974. It is not a coincidence the fact that JP Morgan for instance, published, some years ago, a report stating that the huge obstacle to reform which needs to be overcome are the “antifascist constitutions” South European nations acquired after 1974!
It is important to remark at this point that there is from time to time a lot of talk of “federation” in Europe, but no real project of federation. By “federation” they mean, in really Orwellian terms, not any federation of European nations and states. They mean their subordination to the power of the High International Finance (and the US as far as it concerns geopolitical questions). There is no more telling symbol of this subordination, and of the enormous lie hidden behind all federation talk, than the appointment of a Goldman Sachs banker, Mr. Mario Dragui, in the position of the President of the (independent, but only from people and nations) European Central Bank, in fact to the position of an unelected European super Prime Minister.
The revolt of Europeans is developing along national lines for a number of reasons. Most people, especially the most threatened, and in particular the more traditional working class, feel the need, by instinct, before they hear anybody telling them, of state and of nation to protect them. Some people in the Left believe this is reactionary, but they have to explain why is progressive the replacement of national states from the international rule of big Banks (many of them and the most important, they are not even European!)
It is not a coincidence, that those revolts are happening mainly in nations which have, more or less, a strong national tradition. Cypriots have done one of the first anti-colonial revolutions after the 2nd World War, in spite of being a handful of people opposing an Empire. In the administration councils of French multinationals they speak now English, still France remains the country of the Marseillaise and it has a tendency to remember it, every time it feels the need. By the way, the first communist revolution in modern European history, the Paris commune, begun because French bourgeoisie wanted to handle the capital to the Germans. Netherlands is one of the birthplaces of European freedom, the country of Spinoza. Ireland as a country has been defined by the revolt against foreign rule. Greeks have mounted a ferocious resistance against Hitler, when most European nations had compromised with him. They inflicted in 1940-41 the first military defeat in Europe to the Axis and their subsequent resistance has provided to the Soviets and the “General Winter” precious time, while it disturbed seriously Rommel’ s logistics in Africa. (By the way they paid a very heavy price, as they were betrayed or crashed by their Allies after the War. They risk now to suffer the same fate, paying a terrible price for both their revolt and for the unpreparedness and betrayal of their leaders).
Neoliberals have been able to control nearly all the media and political landscape, intellectuals and the public opinion. They were even capable of erasing mush of History from the program of western universities. You can be a graduated economist nowadays, but ignore completely Keynes or Galbraith, a political scientist, without having read one page of Plato or Aristotle, a psychologist ignoring the work of Freud. Even most physicists do not know how Kopernic or Galileo were thinking.
By controlling everything, they fell victim of their success, believing finally blindly their own propaganda. By saying so much time and on so many occasions that “There is no Alternative”, they became finally completely incapable of politically supporting and struggling for their own alternative. Not to speak about understanding what is going on and how people are thinking.
In the environment of prosperity of the ’90s, all that seemed extremely strong and successful. But as both the middle classes and more oppressed social strata felt the pressure of the economic crisis and then of the financial crisis of 2008, the material conditions for neoliberal hegemony begun to collapse and with them the political and ideological foundations of the European Union. Unsatisfied by the pro-globalisation turn of many leftist politicians and parties, the traditional working class has in some cases deserted them moving to the far right, the other anti-establishment pole. The identities neoliberalism tried to suppress for ever, did not disappear, they went “underground”, remaining deeply inside the collective (and nationally organized) subconscious, ready to be waken up when people feel the need to legalize their resistance to a threatening new order.
Political corectness finished by blinding its architects and rehabilitating many of the very same ideas it was persecuting!
Right and Left, destroying and building
European Right seems more fit to the role of finishing the collapsing European Union and destroying the existing European order.
But the real question is not this any more. The real question is what will replace the existing European order and how to avoid the rather unavoidable, in the middle term, collapse of the existing European order will not lead also to the collapse of Europe.
For various reasons, the simple return of Europe to its nation-states, cannot be the solution. And even if British, French and Germans can as a minimum think and try it, nobody else can seriously believe to such a perspective. This is why, the defense of the nation-states and of what remains of democracy in their context is absolutely necessary, but in the same time is impossible without the emergence of a new project, socio-economic and international, able to replace the collapsing neoliberal Order.
If Europeans needed finally the Right to destroy, they will probably need some sort of Left to build. But this should be a much more radical, much more serious, much more dedicated Left, deprived of its illusions about the EU and globalization and its opportunism.
The result of the British referendum illustrates well the hard choices Sanders and Corbyn will be pushed to make, between the radicalism which propelled them to their positions and the conservatism of their parties. To succeed they should find a way to unite the dissent, the reformism of those who still have much to lose and those who have nothing to lose. The conclusions the Podemos leadership in Spain and the leaders of the French and the German Left will draw from the British case may be be also of crucial importance not only for the immediate future of the continent, but for its History.

Επικοινωνία Μ.Ομπάμα-Ν.Κάμερον - Ολοταχώς προς μια νέα ΕΕ - Τί ειπώθηκε (φωτό, vid)

Επικοινωνία Μ.Ομπάμα-Ν.Κάμερον - Ολοταχώς προς μια νέα ΕΕ - Τί ειπώθηκε (φωτό, vid): Τα βαριά "χαρτιά" θα ρίξει ο Ν.Κάμερον προκειμένου να ανατραπεί η απόφαση του Brexit μέχρι τον Οκτώβριο όταν και θα γίνει η αντικατάστασή του και νέες εκλογές. Μετά από επικοινωνία με τον Μ.

Παρασκευή, 24 Ιουνίου 2016

Loreena McKennitt - The Highwayman + lyrics

"The Highwayman"

The wind was a torrent of darkness among the gusty trees
The moon was a ghostly galleon tossed upon the cloudy seas
The road was a ribbon of moonlight over the purple moor
And the highwayman came riding,
Riding, riding,
The highwayman came riding, up to the old inn-door.

He'd a French cocked hat on his forehead, a bunch of lace at his chin,
A coat of claret velvet, and breeches of brown doe-skin;
They fitted with never a wrinkle; his boots were up to the thigh!
And he rode with a jewelled twinkle,
His pistol butts a-twinkle,
His rapier hilt a-twinkle, under the jewelled sky.

Over the cobbles he clattered and clashed in the dark innyard,
And he tapped with his whip on the shutters, but all was locked and barred;
He whistled a tune to the window, and who should be waiting there
But the landlord's black-eyed daughter,
Bess, the landlord's daughter,
Plaiting a dark red love-knot into her long black hair.

"One kiss, my bonny sweetheart, I'm after a prize tonight,
But I shall be back with the yellow gold before the morning light;
Yet if they press me sharply, and harry me through the day,
Then look for me by the moonlight,
Watch for me by the moonlight,
I'll come to thee by the moonlight, though hell should bar the way.

He rose upright in the stirrups; he scarce could reach her hand
But she loosened her hair i' the casement! His face burnt like a brand
As the black cascade of perfume came tumbling over his breast;
And he kissed its waves in the moonlight,
(Oh, sweet black waves in the moonlight!)
Then he tugged at his rein in the moonlight, and galloped away to the west.

He did not come at the dawning; he did not come at noon,
And out of the tawny sunset, before the rise o' the moon,
When the road was a gypsy's ribbon, looping the purple moor,
A red-coat troop came marching,
Marching, marching
King George's men came marching, up to the old inn-door.

They said no word to the landlord, they drank his ale instead,
But they gagged his daughter and bound her to the foot of her narrow bed;
Two of them knelt at the casement, with muskets at their side!
There was death at every window
And hell at one dark window;
For Bess could see, through the casement,
The road that he would ride.

They had tied her up to attention, with many a sniggering jest;
They had bound a musket beside her, with the barrel beneath her breast!
"now keep good watch!" And they kissed her.
She heard the dead man say
"Look for me by the moonlight
Watch for me by the moonlight
I'll come to thee by the moonlight, though hell should bar the way!"

She twisted her hands behind her, but all the knots held good!
She writhed her hands till her fingers were wet with sweat or blood!
They stretched and strained in the darkness and the hours crawled by like years!
Till, now, on the stroke of midnight,
Cold, on the stroke of midnight,
The tip of one finger touched it!
The trigger at least was hers!

Tlot-tlot! Had they heard it? The horse-hoofs were ringing clear
Tlot-tlot, in the distance! Were they deaf that they did not hear?
Down the ribbon of moonlight, over the brow of the hill,
The highwayman came riding,
Riding, riding!
The red-coats looked to their priming!
She stood up straight and still!

Tlot in the frosty silence! Tlot, in the echoing night!
Nearer he came and nearer! Her face was like a light!
Her eyes grew wide for a moment! She drew one last deep breath,
Then her finger moved in the moonlight,
Her musket shattered the moonlight,
Shattered her breast in the moonlight and warned him with her death.

He turned; he spurred to the west; he did not know she stood
Bowed, with her head o'er the musket, drenched with her own red blood!
Not till the dawn he heard it; his face grew grey to hear
How Bess, the landlord's daughter,
The landlord's black-eyed daughter,
Had watched for her love in the moonlight, and died in the darkness there.

Back, he spurred like a madman, shrieking a curse to the sky
With the white road smoking behind him and his rapier brandished high!
Blood-red were the spurs i' the golden noon; wine-red was his velvet coat,
When they shot him down on the highway,
Down like a dog on the highway,
And he lay in his blood on the highway, with the bunch of lace at his throat.

Still of a winter's night, they say, when the wind is in the trees,
When the moon is a ghostly galleon, tossed upon the cloudy seas,
When the road is a ribbon of moonlight over the purple moor,
A highwayman comes riding,
Riding, riding,
A highwayman comes riding, up to the old inn-door.

G.Theodorakis Στρόβιλος

Delicate Dawn - Mikis Theodorakis / G.Theodorakis

M.Theodorakis - Ως αρχαιος ανεμος

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The British Dispute of Brussel's Oligarchy,  destructive austerity policies and Post-Democratic  German Hegemony!
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Ο Costas Tsiantis κοινοποίησε τη φωτογραφία του χρήστηDiem25.official.
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Η «ΣΠΙΘΑ» άναψε για τη Νέα Ελλάδα
Ο Μίκης Θεοδωράκης, στο κατάμεστο αμφιθέατρο του Ιδρύματος Μιχάλη Κακογιάννη, άναψε χθες (1 Δεκεμβρίου 2010) τη «ΣΠΙΘΑ» του ΚΑΘΑΡΤΗΡΙΟΥ ΚΑΙ ΠΛΑΣΤΟΥΡΓΟΥ ΠΥΡΟΣ για ΤΗ ΝΕΑ ΕΛΛΑΔΑ.
Κώστας Τσιαντής

«…ανέστιος ειν’, που χαίρεται αν ξεσπάσει
ανάμεσα σε φίλους και δικούς ξέφρενη αμάχη.»
Όμηρος (Ι, 63-64)

Του Ηλία Σιαμέλου (Από antibaro 7/12/2010)

Όντας περαστικός, είπα, το βλέφαρό μου για λίγο ν’ ακουμπήσω στου διαδικτύου τις φιλικές ιστοσελίδες! Να δω τα εκθέματα της σκέψης των πολλών, ν’ ακούσω τις ιαχές τους. Όμως άλλα είδαν τα μάτια μου στο θαμποχάρακτο κατώφλι τους. Ο ένας κρατάει την πύρινη ρομφαία, ο άλλος κοντάρια και παλούκια και πιο πέρα ο φίλος τρίβει την τσακμακόπετρά του, εκεί απόκοντα, στις νοτισμένες αναφλέξεις του συστήματος.
-Ω, είπα, ω θεληματάρικα παιδιά, που παίζετε κρυφτό, στα πιο ρηχά σοκάκια ενός εξωνημένου καθεστώτος. Κύματα, κύματα έρχονται τα λόγια σας με θόρυβο και φεύγουν. Δεν έχουν φτερά, δεν έχουν μέσα τους τούς ήχους των πονεμένων.
Μόνο να, κατηγόριες, κατηγόριες, και λόγια επικριτικά από ανθρώπους που εμφανίζονται σαν οι μοναδικοί κάτοχοι της αλήθειας. Κι όλα αυτά, τούτη τη μαύρη ώρα της γενικευμένης υπνογένειας! Δε μπορεί, είπα, κάπου θα υπάρχει η συζυγία των ψυχών, κάπου το πάρτι της στενοποριάς θα πάρει τέλος.
Μα τι θέλω να πω; Για ποιο πράγμα τόση ώρα τσαμπουνάω; Ναι, ναι, μα για του λύκου το χιονισμένο πέρασμα μιλάω ! Μια κίνηση έκανε ο Μίκης Θεοδωράκης και πέσανε όλοι πάνω του για να τον φάνε. Και δε ρίχτηκαν πάνω του οι οχτροί, δεν όρμησε πάνω του της Νέας Τάξης η αρμάδα. Όρμησε το ίδιο το περιοδικό «Ρεσάλτο»! Όρμησε το μετερίζι εκείνο που στις σελίδες του την άστεγη ψυχή μας τόσα χρόνια είχαμε αποθέσει!

Είμαι στο Κοιμητήριο, δίπλα στον τάφο της γυναίκας μου. «Ερευνώ πέρα τον ορίζοντα και, σκύβοντας προσπαθώ με τα δάχτυλα να καθαρίσω την πλάκα του τάφου νάρθει ν’ ακουμπήσει η σελήνη…»*. Ναι, εκείνη μου το έλεγε: Πρόσεχε, πρόσεχε τον κόσμο μας. Πρόσεχε τους ανθρώπους, ενώ μου απάγγελνε με δάκρυα τους στίχους του αγαπημένου της ποιητή : «Αυτός αυτός ο κόσμος /ο ίδιος κόσμος είναι… Στη χάση του θυμητικού / στο έβγα των ονείρων … Αυτός ο ίδιος κόσμος / αυτός ο κόσμος είναι. Κύμβαλο κύμβαλο / και μάταιο γέλιο μακρινό!»…**
Σκέφτομαι, σκέφτομαι κι άκρη δε βρίσκω. «Τελικά αυτή η άμυνα που θα μας πάει, σαν μας μισήσουνε κι’ οι λυγαριές;»** *

Ναι, στο τέλος θα μισήσουμε τον ίδιο μας το εαυτό ή θα τρελαθούμε. Δε γίνεται τη μια μέρα να βάζεις στο εξώφυλλο του «Ρεσάλτο» τη φωτογραφία του Μίκη και την άλλη βάναυσα να τον λοιδορείς. Δε γίνεται τη μια μέρα να ελπίζεις στο φως και την άλλη να γουρουνοδένεσαι με το σκοτάδι. Δε γίνεται τη μια μέρα να προβάλλεις τις απόψεις του και την άλλη να τον ταυτίζεις με τη …Ντόρα!
Είναι αυτή η θαμπούρα απ’ την κακοσυφοριασμένη αιθάλη της Αθήνας που επηρεάζει ανθρώπους και αισθήματα; Είναι η πωρωμένη σκιά του Στάλιν που κατευθύνει ακόμη και σήμερα την εγκληματική παραλυσία των όντων;

Δεν έχω πρόθεση να ενταχτώ στο κίνημα του Θεοδωράκη. Όμως δε μπορώ να πω ότι δε χαίρομαι, όταν ακούω να ξεπετάγονται σπίθες μέσα από τα σπλάχνα της κοινωνίας, είτε αυτές προέρχονται από απλούς ανθρώπους ή από ανεμογέννητους προλάτες πρωτοπόρους. Φτάνει αυτές οι σπίθες να ανάψουν φωτιές, για να καεί τούτο το σάπιο καθεστώς, τούτη η παπανδρεοποιημένη χολέρα. Αν εμείς οι ξεπαρμένοι «κονταροχτυπιόμαστε» μέσα στης πένας τη χλομάδα κι είμαστε ανίκανοι ν’ ανάψουμε μια σπίθα στου καλυβιού μας τη γωνιά, ας αφήσουμε τουλάχιστον κάποιες περήφανες ψυχές να κάνουν αυτό που νομίζουν καλύτερα. Ας μην σηκώνουμε αμάχες κι ας μην πετάμε ανέσπλαγχνες κορώνες, όταν κάποιο κίνημα είναι ακόμη στα σπάργανα και δεν έχει δείξει το πρόσωπό του. Εκτός κι αν η μικρόνοιά μας ενοχλήθηκε, όταν ο Μίκης κάλεσε επίσημα τους Ανεξάρτητους πολίτες σε ΑΝΥΠΑΚΟΗ – ΑΝΤΙΣΤΑΣΗ, σε κυβερνητικά ή μη σχέδια, που Ηθικά, Εθνικά, Δημοκρατικά, Ιστορικά, κατατείνουν στην υποτέλεια του Ελληνισμού.

Όμως, παρά το αλυσόδεμα, παρά τα μύρια δεινά που μας σωρεύουν, τούτος ο βράχος, που λέγεται Ελλάδα, εκπέμπει την κραυγή του. Και οι κραυγές του Μίκη, και οι κραυγές χιλιάδων αγωνιστών, όποιου χρώματος και νάναι, σε πείσμα κάθε ψωροκύβερνου, σε πείσμα κάθε καθεστωτικού βαρδιάνου, κάποια στιγμή θα ενωθούν, κάποια στιγμή στον άνεμο θα ανεβούν, για ν’ ακουστούν, να πιάσουν τόπο. Γιατί «κι ένας που έχει μυαλό νήπιου καταλαβαίνει, πως τώρα η Ελλάδα στην άκρα του άπατου γκρεμού κοντοζυγώνει»****

* Νίκος Εγγονόπουλος
** Οδυσσέας Ελύτης, «Το Άξιον Εστί»
*** Νίκος Εγγονόπουλος
****Όμηρος (Η, 379-482) , παράφραση.



ΠΛΑΤΕΙΑ - Άμεση Δημοκρατία (Real Democracy)